The War-Like Tendencies of Trotsky


‘We shall not enter the kingdom of socialism in white gloves on a polished floor’

Leon Trotsky – All Russian Congress of Peasants’ Deputies

EH Carr: The Bolshevik Revolution 1917-1923 – Volume One, MacMillan, (1950), Page 157

Like everything else associated with Trotskyism, even the hammer and sickle emblem (stolen from Marxist-Leninism and the Soviet experience) is presented in typical deceptive fashion – back to front. In all correct Soviet orientation, the head of the hammer is position to the top left (in the ten o’clock position), whilst the curved body of the sickle faces toward the right rather than the left. Of course, the addition of a number ‘4’ demonstrates the pretensions of the Trotskyite Movement, with its never quite fulfilled intention to declare a ‘Fourth Internationale’ that they think will rally the workers. This delusion has never come to pass, as the divisive thinking associated with  Trotskyism has never led to any successful Revolutionary Movement. This is all part and parcel of the ongoing Trotskyite Project of distorting the work ‘Scientific Socialism’ as constructed by Marx and Engels, and to misrepresent the subsequent ideological development of Marxist-Leninism (with a particular hatred toward Joseph Stalin, despite his collected works displaying a meticulous presentation of Marxist-Leninism).


After his expulsion from the Soviet Union in 1929 (for treason against the world’s first Workers’ State), Trotsky, aided and abetted by his Zionist and capitalist friends (including the Catholic Church and the fascist regimes of the world), set about constructing a fictitious history of the USSR, one that portrayed himself (obviously) as being the tortured hero of all its achievements, and Joseph Stalin as the devil incarnate. Whilst misquoting Marx out of context here and there, Trotsky propagated the modest idea that what he thought about reality was more important than what Marx had expressed. This led to a continuous pandering to the bourgeoisie (who were pay-rolling the entire Trotskyite Movement), and the misleading and betrayal of the International Working Class. This is still the situation today, with many workers not understanding the dialectical dead-end that Trotskyism offers. Before his untimely death in 1940, Trotsky would often lie about Joseph Stalin, and present a false image of an insane and out of control warmonger, although in the early days of the 1917 October Revolution in Russia, it was Trotsky (and not Stalin) whom Lenin entrusted with the command and development of the fledgling Red Army. Trotsky was renowned for his use of the threat of force which did not always meet with Lenin’s approval. Speaking after the successful putting-down of the cadet resistance at the Winter Palace, Trotsky warned:

‘We hold the cadets as prisoners and hostages. If our men fall into the hands of the enemy, let him know that for every worker and for every soldier we shall demand five cadets… They thought that we should be passive, but we showed them that we could be merciless when it is a question of defending the conquests of the Revolution.’

EH Carr: The Bolshevik Revolution 1917-1923 – Volume One, MacMillan, (1950), Page 157

After the banning of the Kadet Party (during the early days of the Revolution, Trotsky stated:

‘You protest against the mild terror which we are directing against our class enemies. But you should know that not later than a month from now the terror will assume very violent forms after the example of the great French revolutionaries. The guillotine will be ready for our enemies and not merely the jail.’

EH Carr: The Bolshevik Revolution 1917-1923 – Volume One, MacMillan, (1950), Page 157-158

It is curious how Trotsky, in these violent outbursts, openly diverts away from Lenin’s more moderate position. Indeed, Lenin had given a speech 10 days after the 1917 Revolution, which tried desperately to ‘distance’ the Bolshevik Revolution from the mass murder associated with the French revolutionaries:


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