100th Anniversary of the Russian Revolution – Chinese Delegation Welcomed in Russia!

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(Translated by Adrian Chan-Wyles PhD)

Russia was the birthplace of the October Revolution led by Lenin, and can be legitimately considered the home of the Socialist Revolution – (with the Soviet Union) being a great Revolutionary mentor. The victory of the October Revolution declared to the world that the Socialist System had transitioned from being an advanced theory (on paper) and into a practical reality, that initiated a ‘new era’ in human history.

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November 7th, 2017, marks the 100th anniversary of the victory of the October Revolution. This rare and historic opportunity happens only once in a hundred years, and so Star Fire Travel organized the ‘100th Anniversary of the October Revolution: Memory, Reconciliation and Hope trip’ – as the theme of this trip to (Moscow) Russia, is that of returning to the homeland of the October Revolution, to cherish the memory of Lenin, and recognise the brilliant achievements of the October Revolution.

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This delegation from the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was officially invited to Russia by the Communist Party of Russia, to take part in a march in memory of the October Revolution, with a chance to carry Red Flags (of differing designs), and hold-up placards of Lenin, Stalin, Che Guevara and Mao Zedong. As this was a very special events, the PRC delegation photographed and filmed extensively, with the intention of creating an educational documentary for release in China. People came from all over the world, and we were all treated with the utmost respect by the Russian people. Whilst on the march, we all joined together to sing the ‘Internationale’!

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Chinese Language Reference:

http://www.szhgh.com/Article/red-china/tour/2017-11-08/152400.html

Rosa Luxemberg’s Bourgeois Dialectical Errors

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SPD Party School, Berlin (1907): Rosa Luxemburg ( standing left), Wilhelm Pieck (seated to right of Luxemburg) and Friedrich Ebert (third row back on left-hand side of right row)

Rosa Luxemberg (1871-1919) was murdered on the orders of her former student – Friedrich Ebert. Friedrich Ebert had become the first President of the Weimar Republic following Imperial Germany’s defeat at the end of WW1, and in so doing, aligned himself with the rightwing of German politics. Prior to its defeat against the UK in November of 1918, Imperial Germany had deployed troops into Revolutionary Russia (alongside the USA, UK and 11 other countries), with the objective of destroying the Bolshevik Movement, and capturing or killing its leaders. It is a bitter irony that whilst British and German troops continued to follow orders and kill one another in France, a completely different set of orders (issued by exactly the same military and political authorities), demanded that British and German troops fought on the same side in an international effort to crush Soviet Socialism. Although Rosa Luxemberg opposed Germany’s participation in WW1, she remained unusually ‘quiet’ about German troops invading and attempting to destroy Revolutionary Russia in 1918.

The problem regarding Rosa Luxemberg appears to stem from her misreading of Marx and Engels, and her ‘rigid’ alignment with the Second ‘Socialist’ International which advocated (to a certain degree) a co-operation between Socialist Revolutionary forces and the existing Bourgeois State. In this regard, Rosa Luxemberg’s ideas were more ‘bourgeois’ friendly, than Socialist Revolutionary, as she spoke with the attitude of a fully empowered bourgeois individual. Rosa Luxemberg mistakenly assumed that the oppressed Working Class possessed the same bourgeois education and access to social and political institutions that she did, and that all the Working Class had to do was to ‘realise’ this apparently ‘hidden’ or ‘latent’ power. Of course, such mistaken ideas as this have more in-common with bourgeois ‘mysticism’ and ‘religion’, than with the historical materialism of Karl Marx, and firmly demonstrates Rosa Luxemberg’s thoroughly ‘bourgeois’ approach to politics. Although a woman, Rosa Luxemberg behaved with a typical (and ‘dictatorial’) paternalistic attitude. The fact that she was eventually murdered by one of her ‘bourgeois’ students only serves to highlight the reality of this interpretation.

Rosa Luxemberg hated Lenin and despised his Bolshevik Movement. Rosa Luxemberg also detested the Russian Revolution of 1917, and it is true to say that she dedicated her political activity to a continuous effort of undermining its success and hard-established power-base. Rosa Luxemberg, preempting Trotsky’s eventual treachery, utilised a corrupting bourgeois rhetoric designed to dominate and mislead the oppressed Working Class at the point of contact. One example of this rhetoric can be found in Rosa Luxemberg’s Neue Zeit Journal article of July, 1904, within which she denounces Lenin’s insistence of what she termed ‘ultra-centralism’. Working from her liberal, bourgeois ideals, Rosa Luxemberg misinterpreted Lenin’s concept of proletariat ‘centralised democracy’, with that of bourgeois bureaucracy and bourgeois dictatorship. In many ways, Rosa Luxemberg’s bourgeois attitudes laid the theoretical foundation of what would become ‘Trotskyism’, and provided the US with an ideological method to ‘criticise’ the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Rosa Luxemberg was a bourgeois reactionary exercising pretensions of leftwing revolutionary activity. Her opposition to the Bolsheviks demonstrated not an advanced proletariat mind-set at work, but rather that of a privileged ‘White’ middle class woman ‘playing’ at being a Socialist Revolutionary’. In the same article there is evidence that Rosa Luxemberg had thoroughly ‘ingested’ anti-Russian, or anti-Slavic German attitudes, as she again misinterpreted Lenin’s ‘internationalist’ and ‘proletariat’ attitude as being typically ‘Russian’ in nature, referring to Lenin as expressing ‘Russian absolutism’. Writing as she was from a distinctly ‘bourgeois’ perspective, it is laughable that Rosa Luxemberg accused Lenin of turning the revolutionary struggle upon its head! When Lenin and the Bolsheviks finally came to power, Rosa Luxemberg’s opinions were thoroughly discredited, but they still have a certain currency amongst the Trotskyite left, or those feminists who mistake middle class privilege for female emancipation.

Reference:

The Bolshevik Revolution (1917-1923) Vol I (1950): By ER Carr – Page 34.

Tate Modern: Red Star Over Russia (19.11.2017)

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Many, if not all Western exhibitions purporting to commemorate the 100th Anniversary of the Russian October Revolution, are merely excuses for the prevailing bourgeois, capitalist system to continue to attack and denigrate the reputation of the Soviet Union, as a means to discredit Marxist-Leninism, and influence the working class away from positively relating to Soviet (Bolshevik) Socialism. It is perhaps ironic that the Tate Modern, a complex of art galleries constructed within an old (and huge) Central London factory, should host such a poorly conceived, badly organised and thoroughly ‘revisionist’ exhibition designed to convey not only the prevailing bourgeois negative view of the Soviet Union, but compounds this error by dedicating an entire room to the criminal Leon Trotsky! As the bourgeoisie has a tendency to ‘fetishize’ Trotsky, this exhibition focuses upon the removal of his image from all Soviet documentation, and completely ignores Trotsky’s open collaboration fascist Italy, fascist Spain, fascist Imperial Japan and Nazi Germany throughout the 1930s! Furthermore, this exhibition (based upon the collection of Soviet propaganda posters formerly owned by the British Trotskyite David King), has a number of historical facts incorrect. The 1905 Revolution had nothing to do with the Bolsheviks, and the February Revolution of 1917 also had nothing to do with Lenin. Stalin died in 1953 and not 1955, and Leon Trotsky was expelled from the Soviet Union in 1929 and not 1927! Lenin is treated as a potential criminal, whilst Stalin is treated as an actual criminal. Lenin disagreed with Trotsky but thought that he could be reformed through labour – but Trotsky always remained a bourgeois leftist and self-serving careerist. Whilst dedicating the last 11 years of his life to trying to destroy Lenin’s masterpiece creation of the Soviet Union – the Tate Modern commentary laughingly insists that Trotsky was Lenin’s greatest supporter! I have photographed a number of interesting Soviet posters because their original purpose was to express an entirely ‘new’ and ‘proletariat’ way of viewing the world, but I reject the Trotskyite viewpoints of David King, and the ludicrous bourgeois interpretation of events as conveyed by the Tate Modern. Nothing positive is said about the Soviet Union, and just as Trotsky’s dalliance with world fascism is ignored, so too is the Soviet Sacrifice in its war with, and subsequent victory over Nazi Germany (where the USSR lost between 27-40 million men, women and children killed and wounded). David King erroneously makes much of police photographs of suspected and/or convicted criminals which he gathered from the USSR, but the fact remains that if capitalism ever collapsed in the West, there would be millions of similar photographs ‘liberated’ from the bourgeois police archives!

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The following is the official Tate Modern propaganda:

RED STAR OVER RUSSIA A REVOLUTION IN VISUAL CULTURE 1905–55

A dramatic visual history of Russia and the Soviet Union from 1905 to the death of Stalin – seen through the eyes of artists, designers and photographers

2017 marks the centenary of the October Revolution. Rebellion brought hope, chaos, heroism and tragedy as the Russian Empire became the Soviet Union, endured revolutions, civil war, famine, dictatorship and Nazi invasion. A new visual culture arose and transformed the fabric of everyday life.

The core of this exhibition comes from the extraordinary collection of photographer and graphic designer David King (1943–2016). He started his collection of over 250,000 items relating to this period while working for The Sunday Times Magazine in the 1970s. The collection was acquired by Tate in 2016.

This show is an opportunity to see the rare propaganda posters, prints and photographs collected by King – some bearing traces of state censorship. Including work by El Lissitzky, Gustav Klutsis, Dmitri Moor, Aleksandr Deineka, Nina Vatolina and Yevgeny Khaldei, it is a thrilling journey through a momentous period in world history.

Photographer Unknown, Preparing for May Day in the Railway Workers' Club 1929. Purchased 2016. The David King Collection at Tate
Photographer Unknown, Preparing for May Day in the Railway Workers’ Club 1929. Purchased 2016. The David King Collection at Tate
Aleksandr Rodchenko, USSR in Construction, Issue 8 1936, Journal, Purchased 2016. The David King Collection at Tate
Aleksandr Rodchenko, USSR in Construction, Issue 8 1936, Journal, Purchased 2016. The David King Collection at Tate

The Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army (Рабоче-крестьянская Красная армия (РККА)

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The Eternal Red Army! The ‘Red Army’ is our army. It is comprised of the people – and fights for the liberation and progression of the people (wherever Socialism develops). No other army in history has been like this. Bourgeois armies only fight for the limited objectives of capitalist governments – and do not care about the people. The Red Army only fights wars of self-defence and is a vehicle for any and all cultural development. Its purpose is not only for success in warfare – but also strives to develop the minds and bodies of the people to their maximum capacity in the service of humanity. The Red Army is an expression of Socialist and Cmmunist reality where equality and progression exist simultaneusly, and it is understood that te individual is only safe and secure within an advanced collectivity. Finally, the Red Army seeks to end all wars and establish peace and Socialism in a new era for humanity.

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Военный парад на Красной площади

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Celebrating the 100th Anniversary of the Russian October Revolution (2017) – Trust in the Communist Party!

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The USSR lives on in memory and in material fact. It collapsed from the combined pressures of Trotsky, Khrushchev, Gorbachev and Western capitalism. What the USSR represented – as the first Workers’ State – is a tremendously powerful psychological and physical image that serves as a rallying point for millions of oppressed peoples around the globe. The 1917 October Revolution will always be significant because it signalled the successful rising of the Working Class and the smashing of predatory capitalism! Although there is much lying and disinformation in the West about the USSR, nevertheless, the internet allows opportunities to study that by-pass the bourgeois educational facilities, and which allows individuals and groups to find more reliable and authentic sources of information. The Cold War lies are still very much in operation, but as time goes by, and the work of people like Grover Furr, Andrew Alexander and Alexander Werth (and many others), become better known, the wholesome truth about the USSR (and its vital importance for the evolution of humanity) will move ever more to the fore-front of general perception. This positive counter-swing is strengthened by the presence of the Collected Works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao (amongst others) being readily (and freely) available on the internet. As usual, the greatest challenges above and beyond the confrontation with predatory capitalism for the Communist Party is that of successfully countering Trotskyism (i.e. ‘pseudo-Socialism’), and the crippling forces of revisionism from the left. There is a wealth of legitimate proletariat literature available in the public domain which must be logically studied from a Scientific Socialist point of view. Even if certain ‘expedient’ compromises must be made with the Bourgeois State on the surface (due to prevailing socio-economic conditions), the true (and non-inverted) underpinnings of Marxist-Leninism must always serve as the dialectical ‘prime mover’ of any Communist Movement. The Working Class must always trust the Communist Party which is a collective expression of its proletariat ‘will’. The Communist Party came to power through a wave of Revolutionary activity in 1917 – and the same Communist Party exists throughout the world today, always representing and leading the ordinary people, and continuously agitating against the capitalist system. The ‘Communist Party’ in principle did not begin with the 1917 Russian Revolution, and did not end with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. It is an ongoing and unfolding process of historical materialism. Trust in the Communist Party and support it with all your proletariat being!

Chen Duxiu: How Trotskyism Infiltrated China

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Left: Chen Duxiu  (陈独秀) Right: Leon Trotsky

Author’s Note: Trotsky was causing trouble in Russia a long-time before the successful Bolshevik Revolution of 1917. He was a bourgeois political careerist, who associated himself with the Revolutionary left, whilst propagating distinctly ‘rightwing’ dogmas. Not only did he establish a ‘Communist Party’ in opposition to Lenin’s Bolshevik Movement years prior to the October Revolution, but it is also known that Trotsky received ample funding for his political intrigues from the International Zionist Movement (particularly from within the USA). The purpose for this bizarre blend of Revolutionary leftism and rightwing Zionist racism, appears to have been for the purpose of disrupting and over-throwing the old Czarist regime in Russia, whilst simultaneously sabotaging any Marxist-Leninist Movement that might emerge to fill the vacuum. This was probably in the service of the Zionists, who had their eyes on Russia as a ‘New Israel’. Trotsky’s deception and racism was identified by Lenin, and finally defeated in the USSR by Stalin, but it has survived in the world through its migration out of Russia, where it today masquerades as a ‘Socialist Movement’, which still refuses to condemn the racist Zionism perpetuated by the modern State of Israel. Chen Duxiu is an enigma who is suspected by a number of Chinese intellectuals to have been a ‘spy’ for Imperial Japan. This allegation stems from his time in Japan as a student, and has led many to assume that he positioned himself at key places within Chinese history, so as to cause the maximum damage and disruption to the Chinese Government and to Chinese culture. By associating himself with the early Marxist-Leninist Movement in China, he is considered one of the founders of the Communist Party of China (CPC). However, rather illogically, Chen Duxiu ideologically opposed and confronted the Soviet Union under both Lenin and Stalin, and refused to accept Mao Zedong’s Revolutionary ideas. He also refused to maintain the ‘alliance’ between the originally leftwing Kuo Ming Tang (KMT) and the CPC – and is considered historically responsible for the breaking of that alliance, and the rise of the rightwing Chiang Kai-Shek. Following Trotsky’s exile from the Soviet Union in 1929, Chen Duxiu found an outlet for his peculiar form of reactionary politics, and it is through his efforts that the ideas of Trotsky gained a foot-hold in China. The point is that Chen Duxui acted in a very ‘non-Chinese’ manner in his handling of political affairs, and this observation certainly gives credence to the allegation of him ‘spying’ for Japan. Whatever the case, when Trotsky called upon the Imperial Japanese to strive onward to victory in China – even Chen Duxiu was taken aback.  ACW 9.11.2017

Just as Leon Trotsky lead the international community of ‘Trotskyites’, Chen Duxiu (1879-1942) led the Chinese faction of this organisation. Although very much a minority movement within China, this faction was commonly known as the ‘Trotskyite Opposition’ (托洛茨基反对派 – Tuo Luo Ci Ji Fan Dui Pai). It had arisen in China during the early 1930’s in opposition to Joseph Stalin’s leadership of the Soviet Union, and acted in support of the exiled Leon Trotsky. Trotsky had been exiled from the Soviet Union in 1929 for the crime of ‘Treason’, and attempting to bring-down the USSR. His expulsion from the USSR marked the end of Trotsky’s direct power-struggle with Joseph Stalin for leadership of the Soviet Union, and the entering of a new international phase of anti-Soviet agitation, which saw Trotsky reveal his true bourgeois motivations. Whilst busy creating a ‘mirror’ organisation to oppose the legitimate International Communist Party (now administered by Stalin), in 1938 Trotsky bizarrely called for all his followers around the world to ‘co-operate’ with the forces of International Fascism – and in so doing – help destroy the Soviet Union. Although Mao Zedong was an ardent Marxist-Leninist, people like Chen Duxiu, however, defined their political position as being in opposition to the leadership of Joseph Stalin. This is why Chen Duxiu was the leader of the Chinese faction of Trotskyites, but how and why did he manage to acquire such a politically damaging and disruptive position?

Born in poverty, and later educated in Japan, Chen Duxiu was one of the key founders of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in 1921 – soon being elected as its first General Secretary. However, despite referring to himself as a ‘Marxist’, and an admirer of Lenin (and the Russian Revolution), Chen Duxiu opposed the concept of ‘Internationalism’ as advocated by the ‘Communist International’ (the ‘Comintern’, or international collective of Communist Parties from around the world, administered from Moscow), and did not agree with the principle of co-operating with the Soviet Union (either under Lenin or Stalin). In 1921, as General Secretary of the CPC, Chen Duxiu refused accept large sums of money (and other support) from the Soviet Union. Chen Duxiu also disagreed with the Comintern’s policy that insisted that the CPC co-operate with the Nationalists (KMT), and due to this disruptive and regressive attitude that split this alliance, Chen Duxiu was eventually stripped of the Leadership of the CPC in 1927. In 1929, the Chinese Warlord Zhang Xueliang annexed the Chinese Eastern Railway (under orders from the Nationalist Government of China). Prior to this, the Chinese Eastern Railway had been jointly administered by the USSR and the Chinese Government. The Soviet Red Army entered north-east China and swept away all Chinese military forces before it. At this time, the CPC called upon all Chinese Communists to ‘support’ the Soviet military action against the bourgeois Nationalist Government – but Chen Duxiu refused to heed this call. Instead, he voiced his opposition, and immediately assumed the ‘Trotskyite’ position of confronting and opposing the USSR at every-turn. The Soviets, however, were successful and its military victory secured a return to the joint administration of the Chinese Eastern Railway, and Chen Duxiu was expelled from the CPC (in 1929).

Between 1929 and 1931, Chen Duxiu pursued a purely Trotskyite political path, and actively campaigned to sabotage the CPC in all its work. This effort eventually led to Chen Daxiu assisting in the founding the ‘Leftist Opposition to the Communist Party of China’ (中国共产党左派反对派 – Zhong Guo Gong Chan Dang Zuo Pai Fan Dui Pai), an act which immediately attracted the attention of the exiled Trotsky. Indeed, Chen’s organisation facilitated Trotsky’s direct and disruptive interference within China’s domestic political situation, and between 1931 and 1945 undoubtedly contributed to the 60 million casualties China suffered in her battle against fascist Imperial Japan, and the Nationalist forces of Chiang Kai-Shek. The Japanese began to militarily agitate in the Manchurian area of north-east China from 1931 onwards, and this became all-out war in 1937. As the Imperial Japanese military forces raped and pillaged their way across China, Trotsky called for all Chinese people to ‘stop resisting’ the Japanese advance, and instead facilitate its progress. Although Chen Duxiu loyally followed Trotsky, and had implemented Trotsky’s call to resist the Nationalists and the CPC in equal measure, he stopped short of fully endorsing Trotsky’s policy of leaving the Chinese people defenceless in the face of brutal Japanese violence. Whereas Mao Zedong had formulated a method of mobilising and empowering the masses of peasants in his interpretation of Marxist-Leninist Thought, Chen Duxui steadfastly refused to accept this thinking. In an unusual twist of fate, Chen Duxui was eventually arrested by the government of the Shanghai International Settlement – an Anglo-American imperialist and colonial presence in China. It is ironic to think that Chen Duxiu’s deceptive Trotskyite activities would attract the negative attraction of the imperialist West – when after WWII – Trotskyism would be fully embraced by the capitalist West as the foundation of its (false) anti-Soviet Cold War rhetoric! Chen Duxui was arrested during October 1932, and handed over to the Nationalist Authorities. He was tried for generating ‘propaganda of a treasonous nature’, for which he was found ‘guilty’ in 1933, and sentenced to 13 years imprisonment. In 1937, he was released early and made statements appearing to now support the CPC and oppose the Japanese invasion of China. However, as he failed to condemn Trotsky, many within the CPC view him as a ‘traitor’ who could not be trusted. This attitude was compounded by the rumour that Chen Duxui may have been in the paid employment of the Japanese Military. Chen Duxiu died in 1942.

Chinese Language References:

http://view.news.qq.com/a/20140521/010848.htm

https://zh.wikipedia.org/zh-hans/陈独秀

 

 

USSR: Judicial Death Penalty (1917-1991)

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‘The theoreticians of socialism have never denied the necessity for strict and consistent legal regulation of all aspects of political life. On the contrary, they have emphasised that the socialist state can function only on condition that there is perfect legislation and that the laws are observed by all officials and ordinary citizens, and by all organisations and institutions.’

(Vladimir Terebilov – The Soviet Court)

Ten days following the 1917 February Revolution (in early March), the Provisional Government abolished the judicial Death Penalty throughout Russia. This enactment was short-lived, however, as upon July 12th, 1917 (old style), the Provisional Government re-instated the Death Penalty to be used on any frontline troops refusing to follow orders. This was a response to the collapse of the earlier July Offensive, which saw a civilian government give-in to pressure from the military authorities. Lenin and the Bolsheviks immediately protested this reversal – stating that it was wrong to kill Russian soldiers just because they thought the war not to be in their best class interests. As the Bolsheviks had refused to participate in the Provisional Government, Lenin remained untainted by this return to oppressive Czarist methods. Lenin stated that this Death Penalty was obviously a weapon in the hands of the Bourgeois State which was used against the masses. It would be different, Lenin said, if the same Death Penalty was used against landowners and capitalists. Together with the Socialist Revolutionaries, Lenin and the Bolsheviks continuously agitated against the use of the judicial Death Penalty at the time in both civil and military society – but Lenin did state that the working class would defend itself whenever attacked by the bourgeoisie. From a Scientific Socialist point of view, a Socialist State might use the Death Penalty if it was under internal or external attack from the bourgeoisie, but would not otherwise use the Death Penalty. The history of the Soviet Union is the observation of the unwavering application of that policy. There is no double-standards, hypocrisy or misuse, as bourgeois historians would have the world believe. The Socialist Death Penalty is not religiously derived, and exists merely to remove a physical threat to the workers and their well-being. When a social condition arises whereby the bourgeoisie and its tainting elements no longer function in society is reached, then there would be no need for existence or use of a judicial Death Sentence.

It is an irony of history to observe that Joseph Stalin abolished the Death Penalty of the USSR in 1947, whilst the (Trotskyite) Nikita Khrushchev (whilst accusing Stalin of all kinds of imagined ‘excesses’) re-introduced it in 1954. Of course, many countries in the world have practised the judicial Death Penalty at various times throughout their histories, and many modern so-called ‘democratic’ countries – such as the US, Japan, India and Sri Lanka, etc – still adhere to the principle of judicial ‘death’. The judicial Death Penalty is applied to an individual where and when it has been legally ‘proven’ he or she has participated in actions that have broken the laws that attract the application of capital punishment. This is decided by judicial process involving (where applicable) military authorities, civil law enforcement agencies, official courts, juries and/or the conclusions of investigative committees. Once sentence is passed, the condemned individual concerned forfeits his or her life via the legally defined method of despatch. For the US ally of Saudi Arabia, this amounts to beheadings (carried-out in local car-parks) on Friday night, whilst in the US-devastated Afghanistan, the feudalistic practice of ‘stoning’ is still practised. The modern Zionist State of Israel possesses the facility of the ‘Death Sentence’ in its law – but prefers not to use it. Instead, the troops of this other ally of the US, routinely kill and wound unarmed Palestinian men, women and children on a daily basis, operating in the occupied lands of Palestine. It is only across the EU that the judicial Death Penalty is formally ‘banned’, although historically, many European countries had voluntarily given-up the practice prior to EU membership. Other than in Western Europe, it is clear to see that the judicial Death Sentence remains popular throughout the world, and in many countries that would otherwise consider themselves to be both culturally advanced and ‘civilised’.

During the October-November Russian Revolution, Lenin, acting through the auspices of the Soviet Government of Russia (i.e. the Second Congress of Soviets on November 7th [new style] 1917), abolished in its entirety, the old Czarist legal system (Decree 1). This was necessary because Russia’s backward and oppressive feudalistic society was encapsulated in laws that were hundreds, if not thousands of years old. This meant specifically, that the Czarist Death Penalty (which Lenin’s brother – Aleksandr Ulyanov – had been subjected to in 1887), was abolished. Therefore, the judicial Death Penalty was abolished within Revolutionary Russia, not as a special concession, but merely as an incidental effect of rendering null and void the legal code. This is an important distinction, as Lenin and the Bolsheviks did not apply an opposed morality to the principle of the Death Penalty when establishing a completely ‘new’ way of structuring human society. Of course, Karl Marx was opposed to the use of the Death Penalty within bourgeois countries – stating that the Bourgeois State had no right to harm his body in any way. On the other hand, Marx also stated, the working class possessed the right to defend itself against bourgeois aggression. This was exactly Lenin’s opinion – the Death Penalty should not be used by the bourgeoisie against the oppressed working class – and neither should it be used by the working class against the workers. However, as the working class has the right to ‘protect itself’ in all areas of existence, a Workers’ State could conceivably have the right to use the judicial Death Penalty against anyone deemed a ‘class enemy’. A ‘class enemy’ is anyone legally proven to be acting on behalf of the international bourgeoisie. This method of punishment is designed to counter the bourgeois habit of assassination, terror, and traitorous behaviour. Many bourgeois commentators (including Trotsky) who are antagonistic to Communism often mention these facts as if they have discovered (or revealed) a great hidden contradiction within Marxist thought, whilst simultaneously expressing their ignorance of Marxist thought, and the fact that the working class is under a continuous psychological, emotional and physical attack from the bourgeoisie. This anti-working class ‘violence’ is practised both within capitalist societies and between capitalist societies, and is designed to prevent the domestic and international working class from effectively ‘uniting’ and formulating methods of Revolution. Part of this systemic bourgeois oppression is the recourse to the judicial Death Sentence applied asymmetrically to the poorest sections of society, as it is these poorest areas of society that stand the most to gain from any Revolution.

Whilst WWI was brought to an end for Russia, the immense task of re-structuring society was commenced by the Bolsheviks. All foreign finance (and other assets) had been withdrawn from Russia by the West, soon to be followed by the insertion into Russia of troops from 14 capitalist countries (including the USA, UK, Japan, China, and Germany, etc). This large-scale invasion (known as the ‘Russian Civil War’) sought to destroy the Russian Revolution and restore Czarist rule. It is a little known fact that before the UK and Germany finished fighting one another in France, British and German soldiers fought side by side in Russia to end Bolshevism in early 1918. As much of the Russian territory had fallen under foreign domination at this time, and considering that the Western allies were encouraging terrorism, murder and sabotage behind Bolshevik lines, the Death Penalty was re-introduced in mid-1918. On January 17th, 1920, the Bolsheviks again abolished the Death Penalty, however, as Baron Wrangel was still active in Crimea, and the bourgeois Poles were advancing into the Ukraine, the Death Penalty was re-introduced on May 4th, 1920. This demonstrates how the Bolsheviks applied the Death Penalty purely upon practical grounds, and the ebb and flow of war-time conditions. The Death Penalty would be in effect in one way or another in the Soviet Union, until its abolishment in 1947. What has to be understood is that between 1917 and 1926, Revolutionary Russia had no formal legal code (with the Soviet Union not being founded until December 30th, 1922). Instead, the various Soviet bodies responsible for ensuring public safety through law and order, were advised by Lenin to make decisions on the ground in accordance with local conditions, and motivated by the spirit of Socialist thinking. This process was regulated with the formation of various legal codes all designed to eventually feed into a ‘new’ Soviet Constitution (which was ratified in 1926). This suggests that the principle of the Death Penalty was not necessarily intended to be a regular or permanent feature of Soviet judicial life, despite the fact that on May 17th, 1922, Lenin wrote to Commissar of Justice – DI Kurskii – suggesting that the Death Penalty be retained for ‘political’ crimes.

Unlike previous epochs within Russian history, Lenin demanded that all minors and pregnant women be permanently ‘exempt’ from any instigation of the Death Penalty, and that this sentence should not be routinely resorted to, but be part of a selection of possible punishments available, depending upon the severity of the crime in question. As the bourgeois class continuously advocated death and destruction at every turn toward any Socialist Movement, the retaining of the Death Penalty within the USSR was viewed by Lenin as an act of judicial self-defence. As the Soviet State had no intention of engaging in the cruel and unnecessary practice of prolonging ordinary judicial executions, the quickest method of despatch was considered ‘shooting’. Within the military this could involve a traditional ‘firing squad’, but in the case of civilians, a single shot to the back of the head (whilst sat on a chair) was the preferred method. Unlike in the bourgeois West, Death Sentences in the Soviet Union (when carried-out), were administered quickly after sentencing to reduce stress and suffering for the condemned. However, the kind of crimes that attracted the Death Penalty were not ‘ordinary’, but purely political in nature and involved sabotage, terrorism, assisting the bourgeoisie, treason, counter-revolution, armed uprising, aiding foreign governments against the USSR, undermining State institutions, assisting the Czarist regime, crimes committed against another Workers’ State, inducing a foreign attack, espionage, anti-Soviet propaganda and agitation, wrecking, unauthorised return from exile, terrorist acts against foreign officials, and using religious prejudice to over-throw the government. As can be seen, none of these categories generally applied to everyday ‘civilian’ life in the USSR, and suggests that for ordinary and law-abiding Soviet citizens, the Death Penalty did not exist in practice. When ‘civil’ crimes were committed (including murder and rape), long-term prison sentences coupled with hard labour were usually the preferred methods of punishment, although in 1954 (and possibly in mimicry of the bourgeois West), Khrushchev’s legal reforms extended the existing Soviet Death Penalty legislation to include ‘pre-meditated murder’. This demonstrates Khruschev’s muddled thinking, and how he confused ‘civil’ crimes with ‘political’ crimes.

Following the end of WWII, and the NKVD crushing of the neo-Nazi Movement in the Ukraine, Joseph Stalin decided that the time was now right for the Soviet Union to completely abolish the judicial Death Penalty for ALL categories of crimes. However, as the US initiated its highly aggressive Cold War policy at around this time, an exception to this abolition was made in January 1950, which stated that those convicted as being traitors, spies and saboteurs would be subject to the judicial Death Penalty. Following Stalin’s death in 1953, the rise of the Trotskyite Nikita Khrushchev led to a reactionary period in Soviet legal history where the clear thinking of Lenin and Stalin was replaced with the bourgeois thinking of a counter-revolutionary.  In 1954, Khrushchev re-introduced the judicial Death Penalty and this remained in-place until the collapse of the USSR in 1991. Under Nikita Khrushchev, the clear line established by Lenin and Stalin regarding the difference between ‘civil’ and ‘political’ crimes was ‘blurred’, with the Death Penalty being used to infiltrate Soviet civilian law – a situation Lenin never intended.

Russian Language Reference:

https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Смертная_казнь_в_России

English Language Reference:

On he Road to Communism: By RE Kanet & I Volgyes (1972), University Press of Kansas

The Soviet Court: By Vladimir Terebilov, (1986), Progress Publishers

 

 

 

Expunging Trotsky from ‘Socialist’ History – a Dialectical Necessity

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Even before he was expelled for treasonous activities from the Soviet Union in 1929, Trotsky’s distorted version of ‘Socialism’ had attracted the attention of the anti-Soviet ideologues in the USA. Indeed, there is much evidence to suggest that after WWII, what had by then become referred to as ‘Trotskyism’ was used as the basis for the US anti-Soviet (and anti-Communist) Cold War rhetoric. This is why most people are confused by ‘Trotskyism’ and the many organisations that follow his anti-Soviet ideology – whilst still insisting on calling themselves ‘Socialist’. Trotsky, for many, is known the wrong way around back to front, and in many ways ‘ahistorically’. What must be understood is that Trotsky was not a true Revolutionary, but rather a political ‘opportunist’ of the worst kind. He temporarily aligned himself with Revolutionary Movements to further his own political career, and as a means for him to attain influence and personal power at any cost. In this regard, he certainly was not a Marxist or Marxist-Leninist, and had no theoretical interest in those ideologies.

Trotsky was criticised by Lenin – and later by Stalin – for continuously failing to understand and interpret history from a Marxist perspective. This led to Trotsky attempting to undermine the hard-earned Soviet System from within, by advocating a thoroughly ‘bourgeois’ counter-revolution, with himself at the helm. For this treachery, he (and many of his followers) were expelled from the Soviet Union in 1929 – but a number of his followers remained behind ‘undetected’ within the Soviet System to spread their particular brand of ‘unrest’ and ‘discontent’. Many, as the years went by, attempted acts of sabotage against the Soviet State, destroying technology and machinery, and interfering with scientific research. Some even attempted to undermine the morale of the Red Army, and turn its officers against the Soviet State it had helped to build.

As Trotsky became the darling of the West, he attracted a great attention from the supporters of capitalism – which included many members of the rightwing and far-right political establishment in America, Europe and Asia.  This inspired Trotsky to actively call for all of his supposedly ‘Socialist’ supporters to enter into an alliance with Nazi Germany and fascist Imperialist Japan in 1938, and work to over-throw the Soviet Union AND the liberal democracies of the West! A year before (in 1937), many of Trotsky’s ‘sleeper cells’ in the USSR had become active, and were immediately identified by the NKVD and ‘neutralised’. This policing action was necessary to prevent what would today be interpreted as a comprehensive ‘terrorist’ attack on a sovereign government and the country it administers. If Trotsky had been successful, the Soviet Union would have collapsed prior to WWII, and the Red Army would not have existed to confront and eventually destroy the military forces of Nazi Germany.

As it is now the 100th anniversary of the Russian Revolution (2017), it is important that Trotsky is nolonger viewed as a legitimate ‘Revolutionary’, and that his path of ideology (which he and his followers deceptively term ‘Socialism’), not be associated with either Marxism-Engelsism, or Marxism-Leninism. Trotsky’s work must be historically ‘re-oriented’ and removed from the glittering history of Revolutionary Struggle, and placed firmly within the realms of capitalist-supporting, bourgeois counter-revolutionary thought. Trotsky’s duplicity cost the lives of immeasurable numbers of people due to the Nazi German invasion of the Soviet Union – despite this beginning a year after Trotsky’s death. Presumably Hitler was of the opinion that Trotsky’s followers had carried-out enough damage to the infrastructure of the USSR, and that the time was now ripe to invade. Of course, the distorted history of the capitalist West blames all this on Stalin – as Trotsky demanded. Indeed, in 1925, just one year after the death of Lenin, the US Time magazine already began to exhibit the interfering-style of developed US Cold War rhetoric – by implying that Trotsky (and his ‘distorted’ Socialism) should now run the USSR – over Joseph Stalin. The myth here, is that Soviet citizens did not vote. In fact, ‘voting’ in a proletariat society is a central activity to every citizen’s life, but of course, proletariat democracy is not liberal democracy, and does not favour or privilege the bourgeoisie. The point continuously omitted in Trotskyite accounts of the USSR, is that from 1924 until his death in 1953, Comrade Stalin was continuously re-elected into office – despite trying to resign ‘twice’ after 1945. The citizenry of the USSR was organised around the trade union model, where from lowest to the highest in society – everyone voted for representatives on numerous committees. This organisational model did allow the bourgeoisie to manifest and/or exercise power within a Socialist society. Trotsky wanted to reverse this Revolutionary change, and allow the resurgence of capitalism in the USSR, and along with it the predatory capitalist system.

The very idea that Stalin had millions, or hundreds of thousands sent to the gulags – and/or executed – is an ‘ahistorical’ lie perpetuated by Leon Trotsky and his followers. Alexander Werth was a British BBC correspondent who was of Russian parentage. He was with the Red Army virtually throughout the entirety of the ‘Great Patriotic War’ (1941-1945), and was allowed at the frontline. During August, 1944, Alexander Werth was with the Red Army when it liberated the Majdanek Concentration Camp in Poland – built by the Nazi Germans. His initial reports to the BBC in London were the first to reach the allies regarding the Nazi German holocaust of the Jews and other minorities. Winston Churchill, still looking for ways of absolving the Hitlerite regime, had Werth’s reports quashed – stating that they were Soviet lies about Nazi Germany. As a result, Werth spent much of his later life repudiating US and UK anti-Soviet propaganda, proving it to be ‘untrue’. In 1959, Werth visited the Soviet Union once again, and met-up with a number of American friends who lived and worked in the USSR. As incredible as it seems, and despite the rabid anti-Soviet propaganda in the US, American people still travelled to the USSR, with some making their homes there. When Werth asked one or two prominent Americans about the supposed ‘purges’ of the late 1930’s, he was usually met with laughter! The general consensus was that a Trotskyite plot was uncovered that involved around 10,000 traitors. Many were sent to prison, whilst a minority were executed for treason. There were not hundred of thousands, or millions of people involved – Trotsky was just not that popular in the USSR – where life was very good for most people!

The Nazi German holocaust cost the lives of around 11 million people (6 million Jews, and 5 millions of other ethnicities, political and sexual orientations, the disabled, and anyone who disagreed with fascism). Meanwhile, Imperial Japan is estimated to have caused around 60 million deaths in China, a figure that does not include those killed throughout other parts of Asia by Japanese troops. When the Nazi German forces invaded the Soviet Union, between 27-40 million casualties were suffered (both military and civilian). The conquered Ukraine area of the USSR saw some of the worst Nazi German excesses of the holocaust – aided and abetted by a minority of rightist Ukrainians – the political (and in some cases ‘biological’) descendents of whom comprise the contemporary ‘Madan’ neo-Nazi government of Western Ukraine. All this anti-Socialist death and destruction is exactly the political policies that Trotsky advised his followers to embrace in 1938. A question worth asking is why the Trotskyite Movement today, remains entirely ‘free’ of any criticism from the bourgeois press. The answer, of course, is that the Trotskyites support capitalism, and are not averse to fascism, or fascist atrocity.

 

Defending the Red Flag: Rules and Regulations for Official Flag Bearers

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Definition: A flag-bearer is anyone – male or female, young or old – who either volunteers to carry the Red Flag (with a golden hammer and sickle, golden star, or any other identifying Marxist-Leninist Communist or Socialist symbols), or who is ordered to carry the Red Flag by an Official of the Communist Party (or another individual – either civil or military – who is suitably empowered to issue such an order). The Red Flag should be affixed to a suitable flag-pole, or hung in a correct manner from a window, door or wall. Whether carried on a pole, or placed on a building or other object (either stationary or movable), generally a single flag-bearer should is responsible for the cleanliness, state of repair and safety of the Red Flag. Secondary flag-bearers are often selected to theoretically take-over these duties, should the primary flag-bearer be incapacitated or otherwise unable to meet these duties. It is an offense of the highest order to wantonly ‘abandon’ a ‘Red Flag’.

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Red Flag Defined:

The Red Flag is ‘red’ because it represents the blood of the Workers sacrificed all over the world to secure rights, justice and freedom for the ordinary people. The tradition of a ‘Red Flag’ may have began during the 1871 Paris Commune. The ‘golden’ or ‘yellow’ hammer represents industrial workers, whilst the ‘golden’ or ‘yellow’ sickle represents agricultural workers. The ‘golden’ or ‘yellow’ colour represents a ‘New Dawn’ for the International Proletariat. Within the Soviet Union, the Red Flag was ‘red’ with a yellow hammer and sickle emblem on each side – but in 1980 – a new flag was instigated. This Red Flag was ‘red’ on both sides, but only carried the yellow hammer and sickle on one =-side. This 1980 Red Flag did not invalidate the pre-1980 version – with both types being regularly flown.

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Rules & Regulations:

  1. Never relinquish control of the Red Flag unless officially ‘relieved’ of this duty by a suitably qualified individual.
  2. The Red Flag must never fall into the hands of the fascists.
  3. When carried in public, the Red Flag must be held high and be easily visible.
  4. The flag-pole must be suitable for both the Red Flag and venue within it is flown.
  5. When marching, the Red Flag must be permanently on display and not ‘wrapped’ around the pole (due to the wind).
  6. The Red Flag must be held either vertically or diagonally and not be allowed to ‘catch’ in surrounding obstacles.
  7. The Red Flag must be kept in good repair and a clean state.
  8. Verbal challenges to the Red Flag must be met with either a crushing silence, or dialectical clarity.
  9. A Red Flag bearer must be progressive of nature and suited to this task.
  10. The Red Flag represents the power of the combined Working Class,
  11. Unless otherwise stated, Red Flag bearers are unarmed.
  12. The Red Flag represents the blood of the Workers spilt in the name of greed by the bourgeoisie.
  13. If a Red Flag is discovered on the ground, it is the duty of every Communist to pick it up and assume responsibility for its welfare until relieved.
  14. The Red Flag represents the power of Marxist-Leninism and the spirit of Joseph Stalin and Mao Zedong (as well as other Revolutionaries).
  15. The Red Flag represents the International Communist Party (and all its contemporary factions), with impartiality (regardless of any personal allegiance of the Red Flag bearer).
  16. The Red Flag represents Proletariat Unity and rejects Bourgeois Division.
  17. The Red Flag (of the Soviet Union) represents all oppressed people.
  18. The Red Flag symbolises universal hope for the masses.
  19. When the Red Flag is lowered (for whatever reason), it must be folded with respect, and suitably placed in storage for safe keeping.
  20. The Red Flag is imbued with the dialectical power of Socialism and Communism. In times of warfare, unless otherwise ordered, the Red Flag bearer advances upon the enemy positions ‘unarmed’.

“Glory to the Soviet troops, who hoisted the banner of victory over Berlin!”0000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000

My family have carried the Red Flag for decades – and now it is the duty of myself and my partner:

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On Why Stalin was not a Homophobe

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Of course, LGBTQ people are people first and fore-most, and a sexual preference secondarily, although the persecution this group of people face everyday throughout the world, due to their sexuality, draws that sexuality out into the open so that it often obscures the personalities and characters of those concerned. This is because ‘gayness’ (and its many varieties) has not been allowed to ‘normalise’, and is still seen by any people as being ‘wrong’ or even an ‘aberration’. As a consequence, gay people do not all think the same, and certainly do not all agree on he finer points of politics. Gay people have been known to hold leftist, centrist, and rightist political view-points, even though it has been the rightwing that has enshrined their persecution in ideological lore. I have also noticed a Trotskyite tendency within the gay left that purposely demonises and misrepresents the Soviet Union, referring to Lenin and Stalin as homphobes. Gay people who think this way should be ashamed of themselves. Lenin was one of the first world leaders to abolish homophobic laws in 1917, and Stalin, during the Great Patriotic War (1941-1945) committed hundreds of thousands of Soviet troops into areas of the Western USSR that were facing the grim possibility of Nazi German occupation – as a means to hold-out as long as possible to prevent a holocaust against Soviet Citizens being perpetuated! As a consequence, during the Battle of Kiev for example, hundreds of thousands of Soviet men and women died or were taken prisoner trying to stop the Nazi Germans from occupying the land. This sacrifice was on the direct orders of Joseph Stalin – who knew only too well what laid in store for the Soviet populations of homosexuals, Romany, disabled, Jews, Bolsheviks and anyone not considered racially pure or ideologically sound. Of course, many gay people are misled by the US-generated Cold War lies -which after 1945 depicted the USSR as being nothing different to Hitler’s Nazi German regime. The differences are in fact stark and multitudinous. I once asked a gay person who was espousing anti-Soviet propaganda what he thought of the 40 million Soviet men, women and children who died during the war with Nazi Germany? He just stared at me open mouthed and muttered something about Communist propaganda! There is no evidence that Stalin was homophobic in any Russian language text, but the idea that he was, has a certain currency in (false) Western narratives that seek to demonise Communism and Communist leaders. It was the Nazi German regime that was homophobic – and not the Soviet regime that confronted it. This video explains the circumstances surrounding the Battle of Kiev – and details the Nazi German holocaust that was committed in the Ukraine almost immediately after the Nazi Germans conquered the area.

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