A Warning About Labour

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Although many quite rightly concentrate on Peter Mandelson or Tony Blair as the architects of ‘New’ Labour, in reality these were only frontmen for Philip Gould who preferred to keep just out reach of the limelight. Gould represented a movement within the Labour Party away from the traditional Socialistic policies that cared for working-class – even if those huddled masses refused to vote in local and national elections. The Labour Party had historically taken the Marxist concept of ‘Labour’ as its defining motivation and political direction, and had risen in popularity in the UK as Lenin’s Bolshevik ‘Communist’ Movement moved ever closer to power in Russia (between 1903-1917). Following the October Revolution in 1917, the Labour Party in the UK not only achieved electoral success with MPs sitting in the House of Commons, but looked more and more like a political party ready for national governance. It is one of those ironies of history that saw Labour’s electoral success throughout the industrial heartlands, coincide with its (essentially) middle class leadership moving ever further away from the International Communist Ideal. This was the Labour Party attempting to represent the ordinary working-class people of the UK, whilst trying not to offend or disrupt the bourgeois status quo. For decades Labour advocated Socialistic policies whilst reconfirming its commitment to capitalism and the middle-class domination of the UK. The Philip Gould-era represented a marked reversal of this approach which saw the Labour Party abandon the working-class and embrace the middle-class – the class of its leadership. Out went welfare provision and healthcare ‘free at the point of us’, and in came privatisation, subsistence wages and a resorting to a ruthless Social Darwinism that blamed the ordinary and the poor for their beleaguered birth circumstances. This ‘New’ Labour approach nolonger viewed the working-class as ‘oppressed’ by middle-class power and intrigue, but rather as the victims of its own laziness and malaise. The working-class was condemned to suffer just as long as it collectively refused to conform to middle-class values – regardless of any injustice or inequality that might entail. To this end, Philip Gould barrowed the US Democratic Party’s policies of Bill Clinton (and his adviser David Morris), which had abandoned the working-class in 1996 (cutting welfare and healthcare to secure Clinton’s popularity with the bourgeoisie), and pandered instead to the vagaries of the middle-class floating voter. This neo-liberal and neo-conservative approach had its origins in 1920’s America, through the thinking of Edward Bernays (the nephew of Sigmund Freud), who invented modern consumer capitalism by psychologically manipulating the working-class to purchase through ‘desire’ rather than through the traditional ‘need’. With the help of Anna Freud (Sigmund Freud’s daughter) after WWII, Edward Bernays assisted the US Government in using the techniques of Freudian Psychoanalysis to turn the US working-class away from Socialism, and to associate the Soviet Union with everything that was ‘evil’. This effectively meant that the working-class in the US was brain-washed through media and education to dis-associate itself with the very ideology of Socialism that represented its best class interests. Edward Bernays and Anna Freud managed to convince the US working-class that its best interests lay in being continuously exploited by the middle-class, and that this was normal and beyond question. Although much slower in manifesting in the UK, this approach to mass brain-washing was supported by Matthew Freud (great grandson of Sigmund Freud). It was not until the ascendance of Tony Blair to the Labour Party leadership in 1994 that the thinking of Edward Barneys infiltrated the Labour Party through the influence of Philip Gould. Tony Blair – being a Tory – facilitated this profound and deadly shift in Labour policy. Gordon Brown was no different and in a meeting between Labour Party ministers and members of the Audit Commission in 2009, ‘New Labour revealed its ‘secret’ plans to privatise the NHS and dismantle the Welfare State. This was to be carried-out over a 15-year period, with the Audit Commission tasked with delivering this transformation and selling its dreadful consequences to an unsuspecting general public. The thinking was that everyone in the UK would be legally forced into possessing a government-backed private healthcare insurance plan. Although highly regulated in its initial stage (as a means to ensure everybody received at least basic healthcare), ’New’ Labour had promised the private health industry that eventually all the regulation would be removed once a ‘free’ NHS had been abolished. Before any of this could be initiated, the Tories and LibDems were elected in 2010, and the Audit Commission was abolished. Then ‘New’ Labour’s policy of abolishing welfare and healthcare was embarked upon without restraint by the ‘Coalition’ without any regulation (or care) for its debilitating effects upon the UK’s population. This policy ultimately led to the Tories and LibDems being found Guilty of Crimes Against Humanity by the UN in 2016, for the deaths of around 120,000 UK citizens. Today, with the Tories currently forming a minority government, nothing has changed. The Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn has promised to return the NHS to its former glory should it manage to win an election, through a manifesto that rejects raising taxation or re-instigating a comprehensive Welfare System.

 

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